Rachel Reeves has handled the upcoming budget comparable to a reluctant swimmer edging into cold water, attempting to lessen the discomfort through incremental immersion.
She began tackling the issue of inadequate revenue near the end of the summer months. At first, she refused to stand by earlier insistence that tax rises in last year's financial statement would be the final ones.
Subsequently, recently, she took a more significant step into the freezing sea. Her remarks committed to "take required actions" to fund government services and keep loan interest low.
In just 10 days, the finance ministry had withdrawn the suggestion. The campaign pledge remained intact in the end. Similar to any cold-water swimmer understands, this cancelled immersion and quivering retreat is the most painful of all approaches. No tactic prolongs the discomfort like hesitation.
It's hard to be decisive when choosing between levels of personally caused harm.
Hope has not been a successful strategy for this government. Fundamental of Keir Starmer's political platform was the unrealistic hope of by some means fulfilling the public's demand for improved state services without reversing large sums of Conservative tax cuts.
At no point has both Starmer or Reeves effectively communicated a feeling of shared mission to justify all this pain. In part that is a issue of leadership presence. The prime minister and the chancellor are uncannily alike in their poor communication skills, wooden and reserved in a way that pushes audiences back instead of attracting them closer.
Similarly to political pressure to support state services has forced the exchequer to acknowledge that levies must increase, the commercial requirement of boosting economic expansion makes it more challenging to overlook the expense of detachment from the European single market.
The government devoted a year dabbling in the early stages of realignment with the European Union: plans to end border inspections on farm products; a student movement initiative. Aspiration went a bit deeper on power generation, defence and security cooperation, but nothing of substance has to date been signed.
Without clear direction and drive from Downing Street, negotiations are bogged down. EU officials says trading benefits are unlocked with financial input to the European funds. UK ministers know that's the arrangement. That doesn't lead them keen for a visible argument and political opponents shouting treason over whatever price ends up being settled.
Economic reality has caused some change in Labour's rhetoric on the continental partnership. Reeves has begun citing EU withdrawal alongside the Covid pandemic as a cause of economic damage that the exchequer is striving to address. Government colleagues have emulated this, although they deliberately ascribe the blame to "poor negotiation terms" or "the way we left", never just "Brexit".
The challenge of the nation's future relationship with the EU can't be reduced to administrative modifications and import controls when the whole geopolitical order is in tumultuous flux. Considering everything that has happened since 2016, it feels legitimate still to be posing the core matter: were Britain's interests advanced by exiting the EU?
These represent cold, uncomfortable facts about the UK's situation in uncertain world affairs. It is understandable that the prime minister and the chancellor shy away from the challenge. It would take them way out of their depth, into trends that they cannot swim against. So instead they persist apprehensively walking the coastline, praying that maybe soon the tide will shift.
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